By Udo Walendy
The speculation of Germany's guilt for the second one international conflict is refuted. destiny ancient study may possibly, if want be, magnify the proof compiled during this booklet, however it can not end up them non-existent. there's to be had to the general public at the present time a lot of records, either from domestic and overseas, at the international regulations of the good Powers prior to September 1939, in addition to a wealth of literature within the memoirs-field of the people without delay eager about the selections that will result in the outbreak of the conflict. jointly, they make attainable a reconstruction of the occasions ahead of the outbreak of the struggle in 1939. you can think with a virtually digital sure bet that the successful Powers, beginning in 1945, have sifted during the German files for the entire records incriminating Germany, and through the subsequent two decades have applied and released them. it's, accordingly, to be anticipated that the hitherto unpublished records from the Reich executive include fabric in all probability exonerating Germany. an identical may observe to the nonetheless unavailable mystery archive fabric of the Allies in East and West.
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Additional resources for Truth for Germany: The Guilt Question of the Second World War
If I compare the French to the old Polish tradition, I do not mean to offend the French; I only use this comparison to rephrase the recent argument of their public opinion, which knows how to evaluate such laws. Yet, what can I say about the laws that force the nation’s representatives armed with legislative powers, on entering the parliament, to take an oath to the king and the constitution, which they have the power to alter? This kind of oath calls into doubt their being a nation’s representatives, degrades the dignity of their function, stigmatizes them as enslaved servants; what can I say about the laws that force to abandon the religious formula which, devoid of its eminence, is a useless calling of the divine name insulting common sense?
You still hold the mutilating sword you used then, and sharpen its edge in foreign, corrupted forces. You want to create the magnate status, the inherited dignity of peers, the right of primogeniture, and privileges foreign to the Polish law; to preserve insignia of rank, the titles gained illegally or in foreign service, usually in service of Poland’s enemies. You want a Poland in which you could gain the greatest profits while taking pleasure in humiliating the people and preserving their servitude and slavery.
It was also about the basis of social order, the source of national character, and the value of civilization. Most of all, the question of origins was one of the most important tasks assigned to the newly emerging discipline of national history. In the late 1840s the predominant answer to MIHAIL KOGĂLNICEANU: SPEECH ON NATIONAL HISTORY 45 this question remained the ‘Latinist’ one elaborated by the ‘Transylvanian School’, which affirmed the ‘pure’ Latin origin of the Romanians. Repudiating the exaggerated views on the Latin origins of the Romanians, Kogălniceanu followed in the tradition of Naum Râmniceanu and argued that, apart from the Romans, the Dacians too played an important part in Romanian ethno-genesis.