By By (author) Richard Maddox
The 1992 world’s reasonable in Seville serves as a vantage element from which to ascertain Spain’s constructing democracy and Europe’s rising unification, in keeping with Richard Maddox within the better of All attainable Islands. Visited by means of over fourteen million humans, the Seville Expo drew the participation of a couple of hundred international locations and dozens of organizations. As a part of Spain’s "miraculous yr" within which Barcelona hosted the summer season Olympics and Madrid was once particular the Cultural Capital of Europe, the Expo complicated a remarkably confident, cosmopolitan, and liberal imaginative and prescient of the prior, current, and way forward for the "new Spain" and the "new Europe." but no point of this imaginative and prescient went unchallenged, and the Expo used to be on the heart of fierce political rivalries and dramatic manifestations of renowned discontent. In an attractive and obtainable narrative, Richard Maddox demonstrates how viewers and native citizens understood the importance of the development in ways in which mostly escaped the information and regulate of the Expo’s organizers. realizing how and why this happened casts serious mild at the transformation of Spain because the finish of the Franco dictatorship in 1976 and illuminates the various key cultural and political dilemmas that tactics of eu and worldwide integration pose for voters of democratic societies.
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Extra resources for The Best of All Possible Islands: Seville’s Universal Exposition, the New Spain, and the New Europe
10 Most people seemed to accept the general direction of change, and EC flags and bumper stickers proliferated in the cities and countryside. Nevertheless, there were still many problems causing dissatisfaction within different sectors of Spanish society. ETA terrorism continued almost unabated. Many Basques, Cataláns, and others were frustrated by the slow devolution of power from Madrid to the autonomous regions. University students, small business owners, and workers often feared that their jobs and job prospects would be threatened by policies that had been designed to speed industrial reorganization and make Spain more competitive in the global economy, and many in these groups felt that the government was not doing nearly enough to minimize the negative impact of new policies on their lives (see Bruton 1991).
Over the summer, Guerra managed to institute new procedures for the selection of party delegates and the conduct of party meetings. ” Thus, in the run-up to 1982, the PSOE was able to present itself as a reunited and moderate social democratic party that actively sought the support of middle-class voters. During the general election campaign, the PSOE defined itself as the party for change and criticized the opportunism of the fragmented right and the irresponsibility of the equally fragmented left.
The results of the PSOE campaign were stunning. The elections of October 1982 produced one of the greatest victories for the left in the history of European politics (Camiller 1986). The PSOE won twice as many votes as its nearest competitor, the AP; effectively destroyed the remnants of the UCD; won nearly 60 percent of the seats in the Cortes; and initiated a period of Socialist government that was to last fourteen years. Once in office, the PSOE began to consolidate its emerging political hegemony by occupying every position of power that was open to it in state institutions and the public sector.