By Jane D. McLeod, Edward J. Lawler, Michael Schwalbe (eds.)
This quantity offers the 1st entire review of social mental learn on inequality for a graduate scholar viewers. Drawing on the entire significant theoretical traditions in sociological social psychology, its chapters exhibit the relevance of social mental approaches to this critical sociological problem. each one bankruptcy within the quantity has a different substantial concentration, however the chapters also will percentage universal emphases on: • the original contributions of sociological social psychology • The old roots of social mental suggestions and theories in vintage sociological writings • The complementary and conflicting insights that derive from various social mental traditions in sociology. This guide is of curiosity to graduate scholars getting ready for careers in social psychology or in inequality, specialist sociologists and university/college libraries.
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Extra info for Handbook of the Social Psychology of Inequality
When study participants knew that they had scored lower than others on a pretest of ability at the group task, but this information was private so that others did not share it, 14 the participants continued to express a preference for high status and influence. Only when the participants knew others in the group knew this information as well did they voluntarily defer to the higher scoring others. The study of second order expectations opens up our understanding of the processes by which group members, in the process of forming shared status hierarchies, coordinate their behaviors through an implicit normative consensus represented by what actors expect that others expect and, therefore, what others will support or sanction.
1985). Finally, studies confirm that people form influence hierarchies as though they were combining positive and negative status information as the aggregation assumption states, with task relevant status characteristics having a stronger impact than non-relevant characteristics (Berger et al. 1992; Wagner and Berger 1982; Webster and Driskell 1978). As this review suggests, status characteristics theory has been used to account for the interpersonal effects of a wide range of status characteristics.
In these communities, actors still share a valued goal (creating good programs, finding good music) and know that the consequences of their own efforts to achieve these goals depend on the reactions of others. Thus the actors in these settings are still task and collectively oriented, but the interaction among them is often indirect, as in a market, and they may not all know each other personally. Revealingly, these studies show that status processes not only emerge, but have powerful effects in coordinating and organizing people’s actions in these more complex and diffuse contexts.