By Matthew C. Gutmann
Such a lot reports on reproductive rights make ladies their concentration, yet in solving males, Matthew Gutmann illuminates what males within the Mexican country of Oaxaca say and do approximately birth control, intercourse, and AIDS. in line with broad fieldwork, this step forward learn via a preeminent anthropologist of guys and masculinities finds how those males and the ladies of their lives make judgements approximately contraception, how they deal with the plague of AIDS, and the contradictory therapeutic suggestions biomedical and indigenous clinical practitioners hire for infertility, impotence, and infidelity. Gutmann talks with males in the course of and after their vasectomies and discovers why a few select sterilization whereas such a lot of others believe "planned out of kin planning."
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Additional resources for Fixing Men: Sex, Birth Control, and AIDS in Mexico
To give texture and vigor to the study of men, sexuality, and reproduction we must ﬁnd ways to extend and develop the feminist and queer literatures on sexuality, including bisexuality, so that if male heterosexualities are no longer seen as compulsory, neither are they necessarily and generally understood as compulsive. 36 the missing gamete m a l e r e p ro du c t i o n e q ua l s m a l e s e x ua l i t y It may be a coincidence that the penis and testicles can be the site of physical arousal and sexual pleasure and are also closely involved in male fertilization.
México 68 Street makes reference to another politically inspired massacre, this time in Mexico City in 1968. Another street is named simply Obreros y Campesinos (Workers and Peasants). Then there are streets named after the heroes of the Mexican Revolution that began in 1910, Francisco Villa and Emiliano Zapata, in addition to Democracia, Independencia, Libertad, Joon Lokke (John Locke), and 1o de Mayo (May First) streets. All in all, the names of the streets in Oaxaca City reﬂect a tumultuous history that is rather at odds with the quaint, sleepy Indian villages of the tourist posters, and the political conﬂict and turmoil that are illustrated in the discussions of men’s reproductive health and sexuality in Oaxaca that follow are thus of a piece with the overall turbulent social, economic, and political climate of contemporary life in this area of the world (see Anaya Muñoz 2004).
19 Nevertheless, to carry this argument to its logical conclusion, unless one were to argue that all erections are the same—and that all erections arise for the same reason—it is as foolish to exaggerate such features of male sexuality as to consider them wholly distinct from the ways in which women’s reproduction can be contingent on their sexuality. For both men and women it would seem that the most salient issue is not an alleged universal physiological manner of responding to sexual stimulation, but what causes what kinds of responses in what cultural contexts, and when, how, and why.