By Lisa Blaydes
Regardless of its authoritarian political constitution, Egypt's govt has held aggressive, multi-party parliamentary elections for greater than 30 years. This ebook argues that, instead of undermining the sturdiness of the Mubarak regime, aggressive parliamentary elections ease very important different types of distributional clash, fairly clash over entry to spoils. In a complete exam of the distributive outcomes of authoritarian elections in Egypt, Lisa Blaydes examines the triadic dating among Egypt's ruling regime, the rent-seeking elite that helps the regime, and the standard electorate who perform those elections. She describes why parliamentary applicants finance campaigns to win seats in a legislature that lacks policymaking energy, in addition to why voters interact within the high priced act of vote casting in this kind of context.
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Extra resources for Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubarak's Egypt
One of the most consequential decisions made during the Nasser era involved the use of elections to promote party cadre within the ASU. Until 1968, ASU leadership was appointed, not elected. In 1968, the March 30 Program provided the basis for a reorganization of the party, including the implementation of within-party elections. Nasser’s decision to make this important institutional change can be linked, in part, to Egypt’s defeat by Israel in 1967. Internal elections served a number of important functions.
The Egyptian president has the ability to legislate by decree in “emergencies” (very loosely defined) and when parliament is not in session. Yet, deviations from policy change via parliamentary channels are potentially costly.
But by the end of 1976, only $77 million had been invested (Hamed 1981), and critics complained that the policies had done little more than exacerbate class cleavages (Waterbury 1985). ¯ . on the economic well-being of everyday Egyptians has The impact of infitah been the subject of considerable debate, but there is substantial evidence to ¯ . was the creation of suggest that the most important political impact of infitah a new class of speculators and private-sector profiteers (Waterbury 1985).