Direct Elections to the European Parliament: A Community by Juliet Lodge

By Juliet Lodge

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The existence of Party Groups and the fact that the EP was a political institution resulted in its information services having much less freedom of action than their Commission counterparts in defining the EP's institutional role in the elections. Those responsible for the information services were subject to rigorous political cont"rol well before the EEIPs were drafted, and early on came into conflict with the Party Groups The Institutions' Information Programmes 35 who saw the EP as a sounding board for their own views, did not want it to be a separate electoral force, and argued that it was their task, not that of the EP's Secretariat, to provide information.

Spinelli, The Eurocrats (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 1966) p. 172. See, also, how typical this argument has been in British thinking in the Guardian, 25 November 1977. R. Pryce, The Politics of the European Community (London: Butterworths, 1973) pp. 52-5; and Spinelli, op. , p. 167. J. ', Cooperation and Conflict, 13 (1978) 215-30; and her 'Loyalty and the EEC: The Limitations of the Functionalist Approach', Political Studies, XXVI (1978) 232-48. R. Pryce, The Political Future of the European Community (London: Federal Trust/Marshbank, 1962) p.

The report further recommended that DG III submit its information programme proposals to the Consultative Committee for detailed scrutiny before forwarding them to the Political Affairs Committee for further examination. If the latter approved the proposals, the Budgets Committee would look at them to assess their financial rectitude and aptitude: if approved, they would be forwarded to the Bureau. Finally, if the Bureau agreed to the Committee's recommendations, appropriations for DG III would be released.

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