Democratic Nation-Building in South Africa by N. Rhoodie, I Liebenberg

By N. Rhoodie, I Liebenberg

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The tax reform campaign was in essence an extension of the gubernatorial campaign. Many of the same people who opposed him in 1970 were back at it in 1971. Askew went on the defensive as opponents charged him with wanting to enact a personal income tax. As early as 1970, Earl Faircloth had distorted his position in a series of television ads during the Democratic primary that claimed Askew favored a personal income tax. Askew’s surprising victory, first in the primary and then in the general election, was seen by many as a mandate for tax reform.

27 Of course, after all this, Joe drove his Ford or General Motors car to work. “I shudder to think how much Joe already has contributed to other states in the way of corporate profits taxes even before he gets out the front door, which, incidentally is furnished with a Yale lock,” Askew continued. ” Joe ­F lorida could not live without multistate corporations and their products. But Florida, said Askew, could not live without a corporate income tax. “The point is, gentlemen, that we’re helping other states solve their financial problems while we neglect our own.

Plus, Askew added, a profits tax was the perfect tax for businesses to pay in distressed times. 28 Askew said that he found it interesting to read about a group of “small businessmen” (which included duPont estate heir Ed Ball), who were cam- The “Nut with a Huey Long Outlook” / 31 paigning against tax reform. “Well, maybe Mr. ” Askew admitted that he was “perplexed as ever over the reluctance of this group to let the pub­lic know who its members are. ” If it was true that the organization planned to spend up to $250,000 to defeat the tax plan, Askew demanded to know who his enemies were.

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