By Carolyn M. Warner
Following global battle II, the Catholic Church in Europe confronted the problem of creating political impact with newly rising democratic governments. The Church grew to become, as Carolyn Warner pointedly argues, an curiosity crew like all different, trying to reach and solidify its effect by means of forming alliances with political events. the writer analyzes the Church's differing concepts in Italy, France, and Germany utilizing microeconomic theories of the enterprise and historic institutionalism. She demonstrates how just a strategic viewpoint can clarify the alternative and sturdiness of the alliances in every one case. In so doing, the writer demanding situations previous paintings that ignores the prices to curiosity teams and events of maintaining or breaking their reciprocal links.Confessions of an curiosity staff demanding situations the view of the Catholic Church as completely an ethical strength whose pursuits are seamlessly represented by means of the Christian Democratic events. mixing thought, cultural narrative, and archival examine, Warner demonstrates that the French Church's superficial and short reference to a political occasion used to be without delay with regards to its lack of political effect throughout the conflict. The Italian Church's strength, nevertheless, remained strong in the course of the conflict, so the Church and the Christian Democrats extra simply came upon a number of grounds for long term cooperation. The German Church selected another direction, reluctantly aligning itself with a brand new Catholic-Protestant get together. This booklet is a vital paintings that expands the transforming into literature at the economics of faith, curiosity workforce habit, and the politics of the Catholic Church.
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Additional info for Confessions of an Interest Group: The Catholic Church and Political Parties in Europe
It has the additional point of developing a means of analyzing interest group behavior vis-a`-vis parties. I propose an economic model of Church behavior, with the Church as a ﬁrm in a competitive market. The model is supplemented by attention to historical legacy, institutional structure, and political entrepreneurship. 6 The analysis aims to show why and how the Italian, French, and German7 Churches sought political allies and provided for their own survival in the years immediately following World War II.
5 The inﬂuence interest groups have over parties, the extent of the parties’ dependence upon them for electoral survival, and the interest group’s dependency on one or several parties, are all factors that affect the extent of a state’s autonomy and the goals it seeks, as well as the state’s choice of which group or groups to privilege in its own efforts to retain its monopoly on power. The third set of scholars studying interest groups and their relationship to the state are those who apply economic theories to the study of political behavior.
Forming a party would be even worse—the party would begin to deﬁne what it was to be Catholic, and provide more outlets for participation, afﬁrmation, and solidarity to Catholics. 11 In the nonformation case, France, the Church apparently did not think the Third Republic would survive. It banked on the Republic’s early demise and the return of a clericalmonarchist regime. Thus, it did not think it necessary to pursue the costly route of organizing Catholic ancillary organizations. Ultimately, the Church decided that the Third Republic would not go away, so it acted to mobilize Catholics.