Analysing Older English by David Denison, Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero, Chris McCully, Emma

By David Denison, Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero, Chris McCully, Emma Moore

Is old linguistics diversified in precept from different linguistic study? This booklet addresses difficulties encountered in amassing and analysing information from early English, together with the unfinished nature of the facts and the risks of misinterpretation or over-interpretation. then again, gaps within the information can occasionally be stuffed. the amount brings jointly a workforce of prime English historic linguists who've encountered such matters first-hand, to debate and recommend recommendations to a number of difficulties within the phonology, syntax, dialectology and onomastics of older English. the subjects expand extensively over the heritage of English, chronologically and linguistically, and comprise Anglo-Saxon naming practices, the phonology of the alliterative line, computational dimension of dialect similarity, dialect levelling and enregisterment in overdue glossy English, stress-timing in English phonology and the syntax of previous and early smooth English. The e-book should be of specific curiosity to researchers and scholars in English historic linguistics.

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11) of þe court þat he were *xxS:xxSx ‘that he was from the court’ (starred as unmetrical) SGGK 903b 8X (12) as hit best semed ‘as it seemed best’ xxS:sx SGGK 73b 218X (13) þat ʒ e put on me ‘that you put on me’ xxS:sx, not *xxS:x:S SGGK 1277b (with enclitic me) (14) I nolde go wyth þe ‘I would not go with you’ xxxS:sx, not *xxS:x:S SGGK 2150b (with enclitic þe) If a Middle English b-verse begins with a long dip followed by a stressed monosyllable, a trochaic constituent will normally come next, as in item (12), which has the stress contour of Old English type C.

18 Geoffrey Russom Lahiri 1991). Two-word examples of the other familiar types are provided as items (3)–(6). We will also be concerned with the types represented by items (7) and (8). (3) on / morgen-tīd ‘in the morning-time’ x/Sxs type B Beo 484b (4) in / geaˉr-dagum ‘in days of yore’ x/Ssx type C Beo 1b (5) feˉ ond / man-cynnes ‘enemy of mankind’ S/Ssx type D Beo 164b (6) beˉ ah-horda / weard ‘lord of the ring-hoard’ Ssx/S type E Beo 921b (7) Ðuˉ scealt toˉ / froˉ fre / weorþan ‘you shall be as a comfort’ (x)xx/Sx/Sx hypermetrical Beo 1707b (8) Ic hine / cuˉ ðe ‘I knew him’ (x)xx/Sx type A3 Beo 372a There is now substantial consensus about rules for the Middle English b-verse, presented as G1–3 below (compare Cable 1988; Duggan 1988; Putter and Stokes 2000).

Linguists have always depended on metrical rules for information about early stages of language development. 8 The present study has shown, I hope, that explanatory metrics provides a way forward in a case where descriptive metrics fails us. 9 8 9 Fulk (1992: 27) provides examples of Old English constraints that are captured by all the established systems of scansion, but warns that even purely descriptive systems may have differing value for a given problem (1992: 29). The special value of such evidence is emphasised for example by Kiparsky (1977: 210), Hayes (1983: 390), Russom (1990) and Minkova (2003: xv).

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