By Said Amir Arjomand
A complete analytical view of Iran within the final twenty years, protecting the advance of theocratic executive, hindrances to democratization and hardliners' overseas coverage and nearby ambitions
Written by means of the writer of The Turban for the Crown
A new concept of the innovative procedure and post-revolutionary reconstruction advised via the Iranian case
For many americans, Iran is our most deadly enemy--part of George W. Bush's "axis of evil" even ahead of the looks of Ahmadinejad. yet what's the fact? How did Ahmadinejad upward push to strength, and what kind of energy does he rather have? What are the probabilities of normalizing family with Iran?
In After Khomeini, Saïd Amir Arjomand paints a sophisticated and perceptive portrait of latest Iran. This paintings, a sequel to Arjomand's acclaimed The Turban for the Crown, examines Iran less than the successors of Ayatollah Khomeini as much as the current day. He starts, because the Islamic Republic did, with Khomeini, providing an excellent pill biography of the fellow who masterminded the revolution that overthrew the Shah. Arjomand attracts transparent differences among the moderates of the preliminary word of the revolution, radicals, pragmatists, and hardliners, the latter top exemplified through Mahmud Ahmadinejad. Taking a chronological and thematic procedure, he strains the emergence and consolidation of the current method of collective rule through clerical councils and the peaceable transition to twin management through the ayatollah because the very best advisor and the subordinate president of the Islamic Republic of Iran. He explains the inner political quarrels between Khomeini's heirs as a fight over his innovative legacy. And he outlines how the ruling clerical elite and the nation's protection forces are interdependent politically and economically, speculating at the capability destiny function of the progressive Guards. Bringing the paintings as much as present political occasions, Arjomand analyzes Iran's overseas coverage in addition, together with the effect of the autumn of Communism on Iran and Ahmadinejad's nuclear policy.
Few international locations loom better in American overseas kinfolk than Iran. during this wealthy and insightful account, a professional on Iranian society and politics untangles the complexities of a state nonetheless driving the turbulent wake of 1 of history's nice revolutions.
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Extra resources for After Khomeini: Iran Under His Successors
The embodiment of an Islamist ideology in a shari‛a-based constitution became a major goal of the ideologues of the Islamic revolution in 1979, including the clerical lieutenants Khomeini put in charge of constitution making. In an important lecture delivered on the eve of the referendum on the 1979 Constitution at the birthplace of Islamic ideology in Iran, Tehran’s famous Hossaynia Ersha¯ d, its chief architect, Ayatollah Beheshti, reﬂected on the theoretical foundations of the proposed Constitution.
Imam Khomeini acknowledged the validity of Saﬁ’s objection but nevertheless afﬁrmed that his revolutionary deviation was necessary. The legal logic and rationality of the modern state Khomeini had swallowed thus ﬁnally overcame the traditional logic of the Shi’ite jurists’ law. As death fast approached, Khomeini had not completed his constitutional work. To make matters worse, Khomeini forced his successor-designate, Ayatollah Montazeri, to resign on March 28, 1989. In addition to the already pressing need for working out the constitutional implications of the statements on the Absolute Mandate of the Jurist, there was an urgent need for constitutional resolution of the problem of succession.
45 At the onset of the revolution, Provisional Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan had extracted the promise of a constituent assembly for making the constitution of the new state. Khomeini could not have liked the idea as there had been two docile constituent assemblies to amend the constitution under the monarchy. 46 Whether for this or for other reasons, Khomeini had proposed to bypass the promised constituent assembly and to submit the draft directly to a referendum. But Bazargan and Bani-Sadr insisted on the election of a constituent assembly while Hashemi-Rafsanjani asked the latter, “Who do you think will be elected to a constituent assembly?